Background:
Following the assassination attempt on President Muḥammad Ḥusnī Mubārak in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in June of 1995, the government launched a massive campaign of clamping down on Muslim Brotherhood members. Cornelis Hulsman along with Sunnī Khālid (NPR) sat down with Egyptian Islamist and political activist Majdī Ḥussaīn, the editor-in-chief of al-Shaʿb Newspaper, to discuss this crackdown. Ḥussaīn argues that the state accuses them of being behind the assassination attempt on the former president.
Al-Shaʿb Newspaper is the official newspaper of the Egyptian Islamic Labour Party (previously called the Socialist Labour Party). The party is known to have close affiliations with the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). Members of the movement often write for al-Shaʿb Newspaper.
Side B of the tape includes an interview with governmental officials in charge of the environmental sector in Egypt to discuss a number of environmental challenges such as: lead pollution, oil spills, and the Alexandria Sewerage Problem.
For more information about the Addis Ababa incident, please refer to the tape Assassination Attempt on Ḥusnī Mubārak in 1995, Addis Ababa:
http://www.arabwestreport.info/en/assassination-attempt-%E1%B8%A5usn%C4%...
Side A:
Majdī Ḥussaīn expressed his deep concern regarding the government crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood and believes that the government was exploiting the Addis Ababa incident to suppress Islamic opposition within Egypt without any proof of wrongdoing. He highlights how this crackdown began earlier in 1995 explaining that it is not just a crackdown on Islamic opposition but on democracy in general.
When asked about the extent to which he believed the crackdown against the Muslim Brotherhood was misdirected, Ḥussaīn explained that since their return from exile, the Brotherhood had become part of the system and that its leadership denounced the assassination attempt on Mubārak and was even at the airport to greet him when he returned. This, Ḥussaīn explained, showed how the regime was not acting in rational terms and was just exploiting the situation. He believed that the government would continue to exert pressure on opposition parties, while the latter would continue to resist those pressures leading to a climax during the then-upcoming November elections.
The crackdown of members of the MB under Sādāt’s regime was at the end of his reign, Ḥussaīn is asked if this crackdown could mean the end of Mubārak’s regime too. Ḥussaīn responds by saying each President attempts to prolong their rule, which in turn means that political change in Egypt is very unstable and inevitably leads to disastrous political decisions; the repercussions of which the public has to endure. He referred to the new press committee which Ḥussaīn believed was a joke; how could the committee supposedly in charge of amending a law be formed of the very people who support the law and no opposition? He explained that unless the membership of the committee was adjusted, that all opposition parties would withdraw and escalate the issue.
Furthermore, Ḥussaīn is asked to comment on the relations between the MB and Sudan’s spiritual leader Dr. Ḥassan ʿAbd ’Allah al-Turābī. He argues that the relations do not go deeper than the usual meetings. Ḥussaīn advocates that all politicians in the Arab World have met with al-Turābī and that there is no Islamic or national party that has not met with him. The meetings are considered to be merely regular talks and Ḥussaīn stresses that al-Turābī is not part of the MB. It is because of this that Ḥussaīn believes that what was said regarding Sudan and the MB working together in close collaboration to get rid of Mubārak is utter nonsense. He believes that the fact that the government insists on Sudan being guilty of the incident is illogical considering even the Ethiopians never accused Sudan of being behind the attack.
Regarding the allegations mentioned in Al-Ahrām Newspaper concerning the Ministry of Interior who had supposedly revealed information highlighting the MB leadership attempt on reviving its terrorist structure in order to fil the vacuum that rose due to the collapse of al-Jamāʿah al-Islāmiyya and other Jihād organizations, Ḥussaīn completely refuted them and described these as lies. He explained that the Brotherhood stopped using violence as a way of movement more than 30 years prior to this crackdown; highlighting that members who were being imprisoned where former parliamentarians and future candidates which proves the falseness of the accusations.
Finally, Ḥussaīn explained how even though the Muslim Brotherhood was far more moderate than other extremist Islamic opposition groups, that they posed the greatest threat to the government. That is because this very moderation was their strongest asset; it empowered them to win votes in the elections whereas their more extremist counterparts barely got enough support. He also explained that while the Muslim Brotherhood seemed like the direct target of the government, the crackdown was not solely intended for them; other groups like journalists and communists were also being suppressed – signaling a clampdown on democracy as a whole.
Side B:
According to multiple officials interviewed, Egypt was facing various environmental challenges that had devastating repercussions. The first problem discussed was lead pollution which was prevalent in areas of high traffic movement. Authorities hoped to lower those levels to reach internationally-accepted standards through two main tools; the first was the introduction of unleaded gas and the second complementary one was the introduction of equipment in gas stations needed for conducting preliminary repairs of vehicles which would ultimately be cost-saving.
The second environmental challenge referred to was the occurrence of oil spills; with emphasis on an incident that took place on 2 May, 1995 in the Gulf of Suez. Officials explained how, due to the nature of the red sea and the Suez Canal, it accommodates more oil-carrying ships than any other waterway; rendering it more prone to such spills that took place twice a year on average. To combat this problem, multiple monitoring or combating stations were established, and were still being established at the time to be able to deal with such spills in an efficient manner. Furthermore, measures were being taken to reduce the occurrence of such incidents such as: joining regional agreements, increasing radar surveillance, introducing speed-boat-patrolling and imposing heavy penalties; all of which contributed to minimizing the problem.
Another serious environmental problem was the Alexandria sewerage problem which caused a pungent smell in the area surrounding the international garden. The sources of this sewerage problem were twofold; firstly due to this area being the dumping source of solid waste, and the second is the sewerage itself. The temporary solution was the establishment of the garden which solved the problem only partially. The more drastic solution involves the establishment of a complete sewerage system for the entirety of Alexandria by the year 1997; this delay was attributed to disagreements between scientists and technicians regarding which courses of action to adopt.
The final part of the interview discussed the problem of the gap between the pollution problem and the industrial sector which was gaining a much stronger position in the Egyptian economy. The solutions proposed were founded upon introducing awareness; amongst industrialists and amongst the public. It is further explained that industrialists needed to be more aware of existing local and international legislations to serve environmental requirements and to introduce the needed technology to meet those standards. Moreover, there was a need to create a competitive advantage whereas industries which abide by the aforementioned legislations would actually benefit economically.
